Trial compared the relative and absolute PubMed ID:http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/20689020 forms of presenting risk information about influenza and the need for vaccination [18]. They investigated whether differences in people’s estimates and evaluation of risk information change when they are presented with baseline data. This trial involved a two-factor between-subject design (with/ without baseline ?relative/absolute risk reduction). Participants were randomly allotted to one of four groups (55 per group). Using a fictitious scenario, participants (N = 220) were told that a severe influenza epidemic was about to hit Britain. Half the participants in both risk reduction formats were informed about the baseline risk with the sentence: “It is predicted that 10 of theadult population (i.e., 10 out every 100 adults) will be affected by the flu.” The scenario also informed participants that the public had been advised to get vaccinated. Absolute risk reduction was CA-074 methyl ester communicated as: “With vaccination, the risk of being affected by the flu is 5 lower.” Relative risk reduction was communicated by: “With vaccination, the risk of being affected by the flu is reduced by 50 .” If the baseline risk was not communicated, numerical estimates of the risk of flu were significantly higher in both groups (with and without vaccination; p < .001). Participants given the absolute information were more satisfied (p < .05) with the information than those in the relative condition, but only when informed about the baseline. Participants given information in a relative format were more likely (p < .01) to indicate they would get vaccinated, but only if they were not informed of the baseline information. Finally, Situational Communication Theory explores the relationship between public opinion and communication within the context of small, active group of people (called "publics") that develop around a specific issue. Major tested Situation Communication Theory using an interrupted time series design in the context of disaster communication, specifically an earthquake prediction for the New Madrid fault region [32]. The sample (N = 998) was adults living in Missouri or Illinois. A series of interview questions were used to determine the level of involvement for the respondent in a disaster situation according to the four types of publics based on situational theory: problem recognition, constrained recognition, fatalistics or routines. The problem-facing public recognizes the problem and believes that something can be done about it. The constrained public recognizes the problem but thinks nothing can be done. The fatalistic public does not recognize the problem and has the perception that very little can be done to affect the situation. The routine public does not recognize the problem nor perceive constraints. The hypothesis being tested was that information seeking and processing are variable and the level of involvement differentiates high-involvement, problemfacing publics from other publics. The second interview furthered that analysis. Problem recognition was measured by asking, "How often do you stop to think about a major earthquake hitting the area?" Possible answers were: very often, sometimes, not often, almost never. Constraint recognition was measured by asking, "If you personally tried to do something to help protect yourself or your family from a major earthquake, do you think your efforts would make a lot of difference, some difference, not much difference or no difference at all?" The "constr.